Estonia’s European Security and Defence Policy and the Western European Union

Remarks by Mr. Toomas Hendrik Ilves, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Estonia, to the WEU Defence Committee,
September 8, 1997, WEU - Estonian Office, Tallinn


Ladies and Gentlemen,

We are gathered here today at a point in history when momentous changes are occurring in the nature of European security. Both in how we see them and how we address them. This process has only just begun. The new Europe is still on the drawing board, and it’s outline is merely beginning to take shape. Now the design must be articultated. I am honoured that the International Relations Department of the Riigikogu has asked me here to discuss Estonia’s current security and defence policies in light of this summer’s political developments. I wish to briefly go over some of the essential characteristics of the new security challenges faced by Europe, a comprehensive strategy for meeting those challenges, and the Estonia’s role in the European Union, NATO, and WEU in this strategy.


Ladies and Gentlemen,

During the Cold War, the concept of security was first of all translated into purely military terms. International relations - at least where East-West issues were concerned - was very basic. The dominant security concern for nations in both camps was the maintenance of existing divisions, and at times, the stakes in this policy became very high indeed.

During the Cold War, the institutions which were at the centre of the Cold War struggle were also easily understandable. Their role was to oppose each other. To balance. The nuclear and conventional power of NATO and the Warsaw Pact were at the centre of this kind of security.

With the disappearance of the Soviet threat, some would argue that Europe has never been so stable. And certainly, there is no indication of direct military threats to European nations. However, I feel it would be premature to say that history has ended. Security is defined in much broader terms now than it was before.

The security risks today, have a military as well as a non-military character. The fall of Communism, the transition process, the rise of new military powers, the military and ecological threat posed by nuclear weapons, refugees - hundreds of thousands of people driven from their homes and homelands by regional conflicts - all can undermine the already fragile stability in some countries.

With this in mind, there are two aspects that I regard as being essential to the future security arrangement on the European continent. Firstly, the maintenance of a strong transatlantic link and the continued role of the United States in European security. To establish lasting stability in Europe, North America will remain as important to the area as it has been for decades. For more than 50 years the United States has been as essential part of the European security culture. Even after the Cold War, only the United States can provide the strategic stability in and for Europe. This means that Euro-Atlantic structures must be at the forefront of European security in the future.

Europe however, must be able to shoulder a larger share of the common burdens and responsibilities if it expects the United States to continue its commitment to Europe. Whether European states succeed or not in this endeavour will have important implications for the future of Euro-Atlantic relations. Therefore, I feel strongly that our second priority should be Europe’s own defence and security capabilities. These capacities should be advanced and that enlargement of the European Union is an excellent vehicle through which this can be accomplished.

How can we best pursue these two priorities to create a methodolgy for security management in the new Europe? Our approach in this regard has been to seek to entrench Estonia’s place in the European defence and security architecture. It is only through the intense co-operation that Europe can meet the broadly based security challenges we are confronted with in this era. This is why we in Estonia see European integration as the best guarantee of peace and stability for the next century.

I feel that there are three main institutions which are central to this task and have exisitng characteristics which make them suitable for our needs. These strategies should be focused through NATO, the European Union and the WEU. Our integration towards the European Union is an important part of our efforts to enhance Estonia’s security. In preparing for accession to the EU nations go through the process of analysing existing legislation, harmonising legislation with that of the EU, and gradually take on the requirements of the acquis communitaire. All of these acts reinforce the rule of law and supports robust democratic structures. It is evident that the EU is and will continue to be a vital force for peace and development.

In this light, I am pleased that the July 16th opinion presented by the European Commission recommended that Estonia be included among the first group of nations to enter into accession negotiations for membership in the European Union. The positive opinion is recognition that the political, economic, and moral choices that our country has made in the reform process have been sound - regardless of the short-term pain they have required.

The external confirmation provides renewed impetus to further our reform efforts and boost our economic development. However, the opinion is only one step on the road towards full integration. EU is a moving target and we are the ones whom will have to hunt it down.

There is an aspect of European Union integration which Estonia is already prepared to take part in, namely the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), where decisions may lead to general questions of European defence policy. An effective CFSP is invaluable in that it allows for a far more effective projection of common European interests.

If the European Union lays the groundwork for European security, then NATO is clearly is the foundation it rests on. The Alliance as an essential institution in enhancing security to and extending stability throughout the Euro-Atlantic area. For over four decades the organisation has provided a protective umbrella for a Western Europe striving towards economic and, eventually, political union. Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has played an indispensable role in the European integration process by encouraging and supporting democratic governments and transparent militaries throughout central and eastern Europe.

Over the past year, NATO has taken dramatic steps toward defining it’s role in the coming century. The Founding Act, Nato’s enlargement, the enhanced Partnership for Peace Program, EAPC, and the Partnership between NATO and Ukraine are all positive steps to European stability.

I have already voiced on several occasions Estonia’s satisfaction with the Madrid Declaration on Euro-Atlantic Security and Co-operation of July 8th, 1997 - however it’s importance to Estonia bares repetition.

The Madrid Declaration guarantees that the door remains open for democratic nations who wish to join. Estonia regards Article 8 as critical. This article maintains that "geographic location" will not be a basis for the exclusion of democratic nations which wish to join NATO. Article 8 also recognises the states of the Baltic region, states that are aspiring members.


Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is Estonia’s undeniable wish to become a full member of NATO and the outcome of the Madrid Summit provides a strong basis for Estonia’s future NATO policy. While this result is gratifying - we do not celebrate as of yet. Estonia intends to be a security provider and not a security user. Therefore, we shall continue to build our military structures to conform to NATO norms so that we might be able to assume the responsibilities and obligations of membership.

I consider it to be very important that while we strive toward NATO membership we should also be developing the European security capability through the creation of a European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI.) within NATO. As I have mentioned earlier, one of the keys to European stability in the future is a Europe that is more willing to shoulder the burden of security management.

This brings me to the last organisation I wish to cover in my speech, one which is of particular interest to everyone here today, the Western European Union. In recent months, the focus of the discussion concerning the future of European security has justifiably focused largely on the enlargement processes of the EU and NATO. The media focus on these two processes may have even created the impression that the EU and NATO were the be all and end all of Europe. I feel that it would be short sighted for us to ignore the possible contribution the Western European Union could make in a new pan-European security structure. One should remember in this context that the Brussels Treaty of 1948 preceded NATO and that the modified Brussels Treaty preceded the Treaty of Rome creating the European Community.

WEU paved the way for the integration of Germany as a full member of NATO. The protocols on the limitation of armed forces of member countries on the mainland of Europe, as well as the creation of an Agency for the Control of Armaments made a considerable contribution to the security of Europe long before the main East - West discussions on disarmament and the control of armaments began. I believe that the WEU will continue to play an important role in Europe, it is crucial that it does.

The evolution of both NATO and the European Union will have major consequences for Western European Union. The WEU is closely tied to NATO when it comes to forces deployment and to the European Union inasmuch as the latter is seeking to define a common foreign and security policy. But the new directions both those organisation are to take are at present the subject of discussions between partners so the outcome is difficult to predict.

The WEU family is a unique assortment of 28 nations. It includes those European countries who either are members of NATO and EU or one or the other organisation or wish to join NATO and EU. The Western European Union family then is made up of nearly all the nations of Europe. It is likely then that the WEU anticipates the future pattern of security in Europe. As the only European organisation with organic links with both NATO and the European Union, WEU should therefore take advantage of its unique position to give the process of enhancing stability and security in central and eastern Europe fresh impetus. Keeping in mind our common wish to ensure the security of the WEU family as a whole I believe that WEU has a unique role to play as the pivot between the EU and NATO.

How should this pivot role be realised? I see a number of ways in which Estonia can promote inter-organisational links.

Firstly, the strengthening of Estonian and WEU ties not only through the development of WEU-EU and WEU-NATO co-operation, but also through Estonia’s own constantly evolving activities in the European Union and in NATO. It is also possible that future negotiations with the European Union, the continuation of the structural dialogue in addition to the intensive dialogue we have with NATO and through our co-operation in PfP could play an important role in fostering co-operation. In this manner, WEU can tie together the European Union Associate states and enable them to become fully integrated into Europe. In addition, these states can assist in the building of a comprehensive approach to security issues which require multiple organisations to address different yet related tasks.

Secondly, I don’t believe that improving organisational communication and co-operation is enough though. Reform must be supported by practical participation in WEU activities. In principle, we are ready to participate in the WEU’s practical undertakings contingent upon the form those undertakings may take in the future as well as how this might affect our readiness. Within the framework of WEU co-operation the role played by Associated states in WEU working groups and subordinate offices dependent on how they develop. We have declared the preliminary readiness of our forces in the Forces Answerable to WEU (FAWEU) list. In the future, there should be a more defined place for associated partners on this list. We would also like to play a role in WEU and NATO and possible CJTF (Combined Joint Task Force) programs and in their formation, especially considering Estonia’s IFOR/SFOR experiences.


Ladies and Gentlemen,

There have been dramatic changes in the Europe of today. What is dramatic in the change is not that individual risks and challenges have disappeared or that new ones have appeared. Such changes have always occurred. The dramatic consists of the emergence of entirely new patterns: internal and international conflicts are difficult to separate now; the number of actors in individual arenas of tension have increased; the concept of sovereignty is challenged in many ways; non-military risks are increasingly important and require responses going beyond the traditional diplomatic and military methodology. What seems to be necessary is an international security management.

Through these strengthened links it is possible to pool scarce resources to cope with the risks and challenges we are faced with today. There is no clear lead agency for the whole process of security.

The European Union, NATO and the WEU share common strategic interests as well as a broad approach to stability and security encompassing political, economic, social and environmental aspects, along with a defence dimension. The WEU can play a pivotal role between these organisations and promote the process of central and eastern European integration.